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10. Fidel Castro and Muammar Gaddafi as Two Phoenix Birds

  • ಭಾನುವಾರ, ಏಪ್ರಿಲ್ 12, 2026
  • ಬಿಸಿಲ ಹನಿ
  • When I decided to publish my column, Libya Diary, which had been featured in Avadhi, as a book in 2018, I began to think about who could write the foreword. The first name that came to my mind was G.N. Mohan Sir, the editor of Avadhi at the time. This was primarily because his book, Nannolagina Haadu Cuba (The Song Within Me: Cuba), had recently been released and had made headlines. I hadn’t yet read the book, but I had come across information here and there that it depicted the manipulations and conspiracies orchestrated by America in Cuba. Since my book also dealt with the schemes America had carried out in Libya, I felt Mohan Sir would deeply understand the subject matter and would be the most suitable person to write the foreword. However, when I approached him, he expressed his inability to take on the task due to his busy schedule at the time. As I began pondering whom else I could turn to, the name that immediately struck me was Sandhyarani Ma’am. She was then the associate editor of Avadhi and was responsible for overseeing and reviewing all the columns published in the magazine. Because of this, she was more or less my first reader. It felt natural to approach her, as she seemed to be the ideal person for the task. When I called her to request her to write the foreword, she too politely declined, citing her engagement with a new project and stating that she didn’t feel she was the right person for the job. I persisted and insisted, asking her to write about how she, as a woman, perceived Gaddafi and Libya. My insistence and affection eventually won her over, and she agreed to write it. For this, I remain forever indebted to her. While writing the foreword, Sandhyarani begins by saying, “While reading this book by Uday Itagi, another country, Cuba, was on my mind. Veteran journalist G.N. Mohan, who had traveled to Cuba to participate in a convention, used the opportunity to expose America’s manipulative strategies to control Latin American countries under the pretext of Cuba. Mohan’s Nannolagina Haadu Cuba (The Song Within Me: Cuba) helped me understand several aspects of Uday’s book.” These words resonated with me even more after I read Nannolagina Haadu Cuba. They reaffirmed what I experienced while writing my columns from Libya. During my time there, I met many locals and observed firsthand how Libya was under Gaddafi and what it became afterward. To portray Gaddafi accurately, it was essential for me to understand what people thought about him after the revolution. I traveled across all corners of Libya, gathering opinions discreetly. Many Libyans proudly compared Gaddafi to Che Guevara, calling him “Africa’s Che Guevara.” Some even likened him to Cuba’s revolutionary leader, Fidel Castro. However, for me, it was important not to compare Gaddafi to anyone but to present him as he was, as he was perceived by the people of Libya. As a result, the Gaddafi portrayed in my book is shaped by these impressions, grounded in the voices and sentiments of the Libyan people. Before continuing with this article, I want to share a truth with you. When I arrived in Libya in 2007, there were four Iraqi professors working at my college. The moment I met them, I couldn’t resist asking, “Was Saddam Hussein really so cruel? Did he exploit you? How did you tolerate his atrocities?” In response, one or two of them gave me blank stares, while another broke down into tears. Alarmed, I asked what had happened, and they subtly explained that it was all American propaganda—lies fabricated to plunder Iraq’s oil wealth. They told me about the schemes America had orchestrated and how Saddam Hussein was actually a good leader in many ways. They even warned that Libya might face a similar fate soon, but at the time, I didn’t believe them. However, when the revolution began in Libya in 2011 and most global media outlets started portraying Gaddafi and his Libya in a negative light, their words hit home. It became painfully clear how far America would go to serve its own interests, leaving me deeply disheartened. The "Arab Spring," which began in Tunisia in 2010, swept through Egypt and Syria before culminating in Libya in 2011. Only those truly aware understood the extent of America’s and its allies’ involvement behind the scenes. In all these countries, America succeeded in overthrowing leaders it deemed undesirable and establishing its version of democracy. I became aware of America’s manipulative tactics during a flight from Cairo to Benghazi via Tunisia, when a Tunisian civilian traveling with me vividly described the situation. He explained how there was no real need for a revolution in Tunisia; the monarchy there was functioning efficiently. However, America needed a pretext and justification to intervene in Libya. So, they used neighboring Tunisia as a stepping stone to infiltrate Libya. Rather than attacking directly, America employed this strategy, leaving me bewildered and shocked. After reading Mohan's Nannolagina Haadu Cuba (The Song Within Me: Cuba), these events became even clearer to me. How many third-world countries have fallen victim to America's schemes and selfish motives? Each time America establishes a new government in these countries, the truth presented to the outside world is vastly different from the reality on the ground. With the Associated Press (AP), one of the most high-tech news agencies in the world, under American control, the country has no difficulty twisting facts and projecting misleading narratives globally. This propaganda machine has been systematically functioning for years, leading to countless truths being buried and the injustices perpetrated by America being hidden. In this context, Mohan’s book, Nannolagina Haadu Cuba, meticulously unravels America’s conspiracies in Cuba and the challenges it imposed on Fidel Castro, exposing these manipulations thread by thread.
    While reading this book, Gaddafi's Libya and Fidel Castro's Cuba unfolded vividly before my eyes. I noticed several striking similarities between these two leaders. Both were highly sensitive politically. Both fought tirelessly for the people of their countries. They brought dignity and pride to their nations. Both fed the hungry, provided water to the thirsty, clothed the destitute, offered shelter to the homeless, and ensured healthcare for widows and the sick. Both stood defiantly against America. They fiercely opposed and condemned America's imperialist policies, instilling this resistance deeply in their people. As Mohan Sir mentions, the Cubans were always ready to challenge America, standing on their toes. Similarly, every child born in Libya grew up harboring resentment against America. Because of this unwavering defiance, both leaders endured unimaginable hardships. Yet, they persevered and built a new nation. They emphasized human resource development, education, healthcare, agriculture, and industry. Both were humiliated by America in international forums like the United Nations. For many years, they were subjected to intense pressure from America and faced multiple assassination attempts for various reasons. America called Castro a "ghost" and labeled Gaddafi a "mad dog." For others, the word "war" may carry a straightforward meaning, but when spoken by America, it is rebranded as "peace operations" or "efforts to foster humanitarian relationships." Using such justifications, America invaded Iraq and Libya, overthrowing their powerful leaders and looting their rich oil reserves. How many times has this happened? Mohan Sir's observation that America does not tolerate countries building relationships with Cuba was as true for Cuba as it was for Libya. Another key aspect I noticed was that both countries embraced socialism and implemented it in its true spirit. The political framework in these two nations was quite similar. In both Cuba and Libya, the election process was straightforward, with candidates chosen through open voting. Just as in Cuba, political leaders in Libya were easily accessible to the common people and lived as ordinary citizens. The elected representatives were no exception—they didn’t enjoy privileges like luxurious cars, mansions, or special treatment during their term. For instance, the labour minister of the Ghat province, where I worked, was my colleague. Despite being a minister, he did not have a government-provided car or any exclusive benefits. He commuted in his private car, without any security or escort, to teach at our college and then left. Even in banks and government offices, he wasn’t shown any special treatment. Like everyone else, he stood in queues to complete his tasks. Similarly, governors, ministers, and political representatives in Libya lived among the common people, blending in seamlessly with the masses. The friendship between Gaddafi and Castro remained strong until their last days. In the spring of 1977, when Fidel Castro visited Libya, Gaddafi welcomed him with great honor. Before the media cameras, the two exchanged smiles, seemingly amused by the similarities between them. Later, they sat together in a private room and laid a solid foundation for a 30-year relationship between Libya and Cuba. In 1980, when Cuba faced an attack from the United States, Gaddafi extended a helping hand to Fidel Castro. When Castro became the Secretary at the Second Communist Party Congress in Cuba, Gaddafi enthusiastically praised him. Both leaders worked tirelessly to rapidly develop their respective nations and make them prominent on the global map, which earned them the ire of America. America's resentment escalated when Cuba declared itself a contender in the global arena, particularly in wrestling. The U.S. maligned Cuba by labeling it as the "city of AIDS." Similarly, Gaddafi became the target of defamation campaigns from the day he assumed power in Libya and ousted the American military from Libyan soil. Matters worsened when he revised the oil company contracts and brought them under his control, which struck a blow to American economic interests. The new foreign policies and economic strategies introduced by Gaddafi further irked America, amplifying the smear campaigns against him. Both leaders were fighters, staunch opponents of America, and vocal critics of imperialism. They passionately advocated for the principles of equality and inspired hope and resilience in their people through their grand visions. Both were harbingers of a new era, facing repeated attacks from America. However, their fates diverged: Fidel Castro survived these challenges and died a natural death, while Muammar Gaddafi fell victim to America’s machinations. Castro described Gaddafi's assassination as a tragedy for humanity, condemning it as the epitome of America’s malevolence. He even refused to recognize the new government in Libya and immediately withdrew Cuba’s embassy from the country, showcasing his unwavering faith in Gaddafi. Both leaders, like the mythical Phoenix, repeatedly rose from the ashes of America’s oppression, continually standing firm against it. The tragedy, however, lies in the fact that the hardships these great leaders endured due to America’s actions remain largely hidden. Instead, the outside world often perceives them as villains due to distorted portrayals. For people like me and Mohan Sir, reflecting on Gaddafi's Libya and Castro's Cuba evokes a sense of pride in these leaders. Yet, the immense suffering they endured at America’s hands also brings tears to our eyes, sometimes manifesting as a deep ache in our hearts. To understand their stories, people must shed prejudice. More than that, they need compassion, an open mind, and a sense of love and empathy. Only those with such qualities can grasp the essence of their lives and struggles. For those who lack these traits, how can we ever make them understand? Kannada Original: Uday Itagi English Translation: Uday Itagi